West Point Professor of Urban Warfare John Spencer, who has been studying closely the war in Gaza, its origins and how it is being conducted, both by Hamas and by Israel, believes that Israel is not engaged in a “counter-terror operation,” but rather, in a war. And, he argues, that designation of the Gaza conflict as a “war” is important. More on his views can be found here: “Hamas Is Not Just a Terrorist Organization,” by John Spencer and Solomon Moshkevich, Mosaic, May 1 2025:
On October 7, 2023, Hamas fighters from Gaza launched one of the most brutal assaults on Israeli soil since the country’s founding—killing civilians, seizing hostages, and briefly occupying territory. The attack was quickly labeled a “terror attack,” and Hamas, a U.S.-designated Foreign Terrorist Organization, was cast once again in the role of a group of religious extremists operating outside of the system of sovereign states. This framing, though familiar, is flawed. It creates misperceptions about the scale, nature, and legal classification of the conflict Israel now faces. And it misleads both policymakers and the public about the rules that govern this conflict, the expectations of response, and the real meaning of proportionality.
It is time to stop calling Hamas just a “terrorist organization.” This argument is, of course, heard most often from those who would claim that Hamas consists of “freedom fighters” and that the term terrorist is unfairly biased or even a sign of racial prejudice. The case we make here is very different, and not moralistic, but legal and strategic. Undoubtedly, Hamas is a terrorist organization that has committed countless acts that fit any standard definition of the term. But in addition it is a political-military entity with governing authority, territorial control, and a functioning bureaucracy. It maintains a trained army, organizes military campaigns, and conducts operations that resemble traditional armed conflict far more than they resemble isolated acts of terrorism. Labeling Hamas a terrorist group undermines the legal clarity and strategic understanding necessary to fight and win a war. It also distorts public perception of what Israel is actually doing—and what it is allowed to do under the law of armed conflict.
The term “terrorism” has political, legal, and operational meaning. Under U.S. law, a terrorist act is politically motivated violence by non-state actors targeting civilians. These acts of violence traditionally involve bombings of civilian buses or buildings, hijackings, and similar tactics; the appropriate response to such violence, accordingly, is counterterrorism, which refers to limited, targeted actions—drone strikes, special operations, law-enforcement responses—aimed at disrupting such threats. This framework does not fit the events of October 7, the lead-up to that attack, or its aftermath.
These misapprehensions are not limited to Western commentators and diplomats. In the IDF’s recent nineteen-page report on the intelligence failures leading up to October 7, its “perception probe” highlighted the flawed assumptions about Hamas, noting a failure to recognize Hamas’s shift from a standard-issue terrorist group to one actively planning a large-scale offensive, aimed at occupying Israeli territory and destroying Israel. This perception gap led to a lack of preparedness as well as failures to respond appropriately on the day of the attack. And the same misunderstanding continues to persist across the international community.
The attack of October 7 was not an isolated act of terror; it was a cross-border, combined-arms military operation, that is, an invasion. This invasion involved thousands of trained fighters who breached Israel’s air, land, and sea defenses; killed civilians and soldiers alike; and seized territory, while operatives in the rear simultaneously fired rockets deep into Israeli territory. Hamas attempted to coordinate its assault with Hizballah to open a northern front. They filmed and broadcast their battlefield activities as psychological warfare, and it took days for the IDF to uproot them from ground they held in several Israeli kibbutzim and border towns. Like any conventional military invasion, the attack posed an immediate, existential risk to the state of Israel, and the IDF has since admitted that its Gaza Division was initially overrun and defeated by the enemy. This was an act of war—a traditional one, albeit one that involved countless war crimes, executed by a force that defies easy classification under norms that have governed warfare and diplomacy in the West for the past several centuries….
The semantics matter. They always have. But in war, they can mean the difference between legitimacy and condemnation, between clarity and chaos, between victory and defeat.
According to John Spencer, Hamas is not just a “terrorist organization,” but a full-fledged state actor, that rules over Gaza like any sovereign government. It employs terror tactics as only one arrow in its quiver. It also engages in battlefield combat with IDF soldiers. In Gaza, Israel is being forced to fight not just an anti-terrorist campaign, but a war, albeit one where the enemy chooses to hide its operatives and its weapons in and among civilians. John Spencer argues that such a re-naming of the conflict as a “war” rather than an “anti-terrorist operation” undermines the charge that the Jewish state is engaged in over-reacting to a mere “terror group.” And it means that the laws of war apply to both sides, but only one side, Israel, is meeting its obligations under the Fourth Geneva Convention and customary international law.
Peacelover says
Ah,it’s been a war with the scumbags for what’s it been,almost 1400 years now?
Daniel Triplett says
We must zoom out from the “30,000 foot view” to the more macro “global view,” recognizing the entire Ummah as our enemy, and be unafraid to talk like that. Unless and until Western heads-of-state speak honestly and publicly about this grave existential truth, and make policy to defeat the enemy, we’ll continue losing the war.
Per the enemy’s sacrosanct immutable Islamic Doctrine, the war will continue until world is either 100% Islamic, or 0% Islamic. We can either force the liberation of all Muslims from Islam, or continue virtue-signaling our tolerance of Islam until we too succumb. Per Islamic Doctrine, coexisting is not an option.
No tolerance of Islam – no quarter for Ummah.
James Lincoln says
Perfectly stated, Daniel.
My compliments.
Wellington says
Seconded.
carpediadem says
I always called it a war. As did many others. But the reasons for doing so here are excellent and well explained.
Excellent piece by Spencer.
࿗Infidel࿘ says
Fitzgerald
But I agree w/ you: I considered it a war starting October 7th itself. And October 8th from Lebanon
JDow says
None Dare Call It War
What would happen if it was designated a war when we have a multi-million man enemy army in our midst. We already have three wars running or about to run, Russia/Ukraine, Israel/”HAMAS”, and Taiwan/CCP. Formally generalize the second one into US and Israel against Islam would find us fighting the entire world at once. I do not think that is feasible. Take down the problems one at a time is a better strategy.
{^_^}
Ben says
You can’t wage 7th C wars with 21st C laws.
Hamas in Gaza, Hezbollah in Lebanon and the Houthis in Yemen have been waging wars against innocent Israeli citizens with the aim of destroying the State of Israel and annihilating the Jewish people using their own citizens as human shields.
In short, genocidal intentions.
21st C laws do not fit these kind of warfare.
Davidka says
Yes, words matter and shape perceptions and legal conclusions. One note: the war was not just with Hamas, but w/Islamic Jihad and with the Palestinian Authority, which supported it and bragged that its fighters took part. In addition, many civilians participated in the atrocities during the attack, and the atrocities perpetrated against hostages, and had widespread support from Hamas, Gaza’s governing and only party.