Taliban-ISIS war set to enter bloodiest phase yet as both fight for regional and global control

According to Middle East Media Research Institute (MEMRI), the Taliban-ISIS war is set to enter its bloodiest phase yet. The split between the Taliban and Islamic State Khorisan (ISIS-K) is a rapidly accelerating turf war for control of Afghanistan, and ultimately beyond. The rift between the groups is “rooted in intra-Sunni jihadist differences” going back to the Taliban’s rise in the early 90’s; meanwhile, “fault lines in the Sunni jihadist movement in Afghanistan” serve the expansionary efforts of ISIS-K. 

Deadly attacks have notably increased recently. As part of its modus operandi, ISIS is well known for its aggressive mass jihad attacks on civilian populations. In July, the Islamic State murdered 80 people and injured over 230 more in jihad bombings in Kabul, aimed at the minority Shi’ite Hazara community. At the start of this month, 100 Shi’ite Muslim children (including Hazaras) were killed in a jihad suicide attack at a Kabul school, as the students prepared for an exam. Days later, at least four were killed and 20 injured in a mosque bombing in Kabul that was again aimed at the Hazara community. Both the Taliban and ISIS-K persecute the Hazaras, but ISIS-K’s attacks on civilians undermine the Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan‘s claim to be the sole governing body of the entire nation.

Both the Taliban and ISIS-K seek to unite the ummah under an Islamic caliphate governed by Sharia law, and both pose a paramount threat to Western interests. Their ideological and sectarian differences force key resources of each to be contained in Afghanistan as they battle it out, but many innocent people will be murdered as the conflict between them escalates.

Key points of disagreement between the two:

The Taliban belongs to the Deobandi sect of Islam, a movement propelled from India and highly influential in South Asia. The sect “propagated Wahhabi fundamentalism” and “its ideological successors in Pakistan launched the Taliban in Afghanistan.” Al Qaeda has sworn an oath of loyalty to the Taliban, currently giving the Taliban an edge over the Islamic State. The partnership with the Taliban is a major victory for al-Qaeda.

ISIS-K, on the other hand, is the Afghan affiliate of the Islamic State (ISIS). The group is anti-Pakistan and anti-Iran. Its aim is to topple the Pakistani government, as well as to “punish the Iranian government for being a vanguard” of Shias, and to “purify” Afghanistan by overthrowing the Taliban. Attacks on minority groups such as the Iran-supported Hazaras contribute to the destabilization of the country. 

The Wilson Center sums up their religious and ideological differences:

ISIS-K subscribes to the Jihadi-Salafism ideology — and plays up the ‘purity’ of its anti-idolatry credentials. The Taliban, on the other hand, subscribe to an alternative Sunni Islamic sectarian school, the Hanafi madhhab, which ISIS-K regards as deficient. The two groups also differ over the role of nationalism. ISIS-K fiercely rejects it, which runs counter to the Afghan Taliban’s aims of ruling over Afghanistan.

Of course, the Taliban’s ambitions don’t actually stop in Afghanistan. It, too, aims for a global caliphate.

As the turf war rages on in Afghanistan, international attention is focused upon Russia and Ukraine, but the threat to American interests remains grave. We must also not forget the Americans who still remain in Afghanistan.

Afghanistan is important to the security and interests of significant global players, including China, Pakistan, India, Russia and Iran. The geopolitical importance of Afghanistan, known as “The Graveyard of Empires,” has a long history. The country has been no stranger to wars going back to the 1800s and before that. According to Seth Jones, former adviser to the commanding general, US Special Operations Forces in Afghanistan and author of In the Graveyard of Empires:

The terrorism landscape in Afghanistan is alarming because of the Taliban’s close relationship with Al Qaeda, the proliferation of terrorist and other non-state groups, and the collapse of governance in Afghanistan. In this environment, the United States has left itself with few options. In contrast to virtually every other U.S. counterterrorism campaign since 9/11, the United States has no partner force on the ground in Afghanistan….

A failure to improve the U.S.’s counterterrorism capabilities and posture—particularly by establishing relations with local partners in Afghanistan and negotiating additional bases—will put the United States and its partners at growing risk of a terrorist attack. U.S. intelligence agencies now assess that Al Qaeda and ISIS-K could develop external operations capabilities later in 2022 or 2023. This reality makes it important for the United States to move expeditiously—before the next attack.

But the Biden administration cannot be depended upon to act, let alone expeditiously. It has already betrayed Americans with its catastrophically botched withdrawal from Afghanistan, including the billions of dollars in military equipment that was left behind.

Biden’s administration is sinking America from within via disastrous immigration policies, the stoking of racial divisions, the obscene and self-defeating woke agenda, the crippling attack on America’s energy industry, the unreasonable COVID mandates that sank the economy, and the emboldening of America’s foreign enemies, which see that now is an opportune time to ramp up their efforts.